Citizens United Against Citizens United
In 2010 the Supreme Court ruled that the government cannot limit independent political spending by corporations, unions and other groups. We are a nonpartisan movement working to undo that decision and return the rules of our elections to the people.
The decision
The case began with a 90‑minute film and ended by rewriting a century of campaign finance law.
Congress bans corporate contributions to federal candidates in the Tillman Act. In 1912 Montana voters pass a Corrupt Practices Act banning corporate election spending after the Copper Kings era.
The Court treats campaign spending as protected speech and strikes down limits on independent expenditures by individuals, laying the groundwork for what followed.
Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce upholds a ban on corporate treasury spending in elections. McConnell v. FEC upholds most of the 2002 McCain‑Feingold law, including limits on corporate “electioneering communications.”
The nonprofit Citizens United produces a documentary attacking Hillary Clinton and wants to air it on demand during primary season. McCain‑Feingold barred corporate‑funded electioneering ads in that window, so the group sues the FEC.
By 5–4, the Court holds that limits on independent expenditures by corporations and unions violate the First Amendment. It overrules Austin and part of McConnell. Justice Stevens writes a long dissent warning about corporate influence. Disclosure requirements survive, 8–1.
Relying on Citizens United, a federal appeals court strikes down contribution limits to groups that only make independent expenditures. Super PACs are born.
In American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock the Court strikes down Montana’s 1912 ban, ruling that Citizens United binds the states. McCutcheon v. FEC then removes aggregate limits on individual contributions.
Hawaii passes a law limiting corporate political powers. Montana voters approve I‑194 by a wide margin. Legal challenges are expected.
Why overturn it
Outside spending in federal elections went from hundreds of millions a cycle to billions after 2010. A handful of donors and corporations can outspend whole states of ordinary contributors.
Nonprofits that do not disclose donors can pass funds to super PACs. Voters often cannot tell who paid for the ads they see.
Corporations exist because states charter them. They cannot vote or hold office, yet the ruling gives their treasuries the same spending rights as citizens.
When unlimited spending can target any official, the threat alone shapes policy. Officials spend hours a day fundraising instead of listening to constituents.
Over 20 states had limits on corporate or union election spending. The decision and its follow‑ups wiped many of them out, including Montana’s 1912 ban.
Polls consistently find large bipartisan majorities oppose the ruling. In an Issue One survey, nearly 80% said outside spending is corrupting or looks corrupt.
The paths
Some paths reverse the decision outright. Others limit its effects. We back all of them, and we are honest about how hard each one is.
A 28th Amendment would let Congress and the states set reasonable limits on election spending and distinguish people from corporations. Leading proposals include the For Our Freedom Amendment and the Democracy for All Amendment.
Requires: two‑thirds of both houses of Congress, then ratification by 38 states.
If Congress will not act, the states can force a convention to propose amendments. Any amendment it proposes still needs ratification by three‑quarters of the states.
Requires: applications from 34 state legislatures, then 38 states to ratify.
The Court has reversed itself before, as with Plessy and Brown. A new case and a new majority could revisit Citizens United, the way Citizens United itself overruled Austin.
Requires: a suitable case and five justices willing to reverse.
States decide what powers a corporation receives in its charter. The “Corporate Power Reset” simply never grants the power to spend on elections. Hawaii and Montana adopted versions in 2026. It does not reverse Citizens United, and courts have not yet ruled on it.
Requires: a state law or ballot initiative, then surviving legal challenges.
The Court upheld disclosure 8–1 in Citizens United itself. Laws that expose dark money, plus small‑donor matching programs, shrink big money’s advantage while the larger fight goes on.
Requires: ordinary legislation at the federal, state or city level.
Organize
Amendments start in town halls and statehouses. Every path above runs through ordinary people who show up.
Ask your city council or county board to formally call for an amendment. Hundreds of towns have done it, and each one builds pressure on state legislators.
Ask legislators to pass a resolution calling on Congress, or a corporate‑power reset like Montana’s. American Promise reports 23 states have passed amendment resolutions.
Ask everyone running for office, in every party, whether they support an amendment. Share their answers publicly.
Where your state allows citizen initiatives, a measure can go straight to voters. Montana’s team gathered signatures from January to June 2026.
Screen a documentary, walk through the timeline above, and sign people up. Most people oppose the ruling but have never been asked to act.
Connect with the organizations listed below. Know a local or state group we should list? Email info@cuacu.org.
Hard questions
Supporters of the decision make serious arguments. Here is how we answer them.
The ruling’s defenders say that spending to publish or broadcast is how speech reaches people. We think the First Amendment protects voices, not unlimited volume from treasuries that can overwhelm everyone else. Reasonable limits apply to many other forms of speech.
Shareholders, employees and executives keep every right to speak and give as individuals. The question is whether a state‑created entity’s treasury should have the same spending rights as a voter.
This is a fair concern, and critics of Montana’s plan raised it. A full fix needs limits on super PAC contributions and stronger disclosure, which is why we support every path, not just one.
Any amendment needs clear language protecting the press and individual speech. The leading proposals restore the power to set limits; they do not dictate what the limits are.
Learn more
Where to give
These nonpartisan and cross‑partisan organizations use donations to fight Citizens United in Congress, in statehouses and in court. Before you give, you can review any of them on Charity Navigator or Candid.
Organizing in all 50 states for the For Our Freedom Amendment, including state resolutions and candidate pledges.
Visit and giveLawyers who draft model laws and defend reforms in court, including challenges to Citizens United.
Visit and giveBuilds coalitions of former officials from both parties and funds research on outside spending.
Visit and giveA grassroots coalition passing local resolutions and pushing an amendment that ends corporate constitutional rights.
Visit and giveRuns state and city anti‑corruption campaigns, including disclosure and small‑donor laws.
Visit and giveState chapters lobby for disclosure, public financing and amendment resolutions.
Visit and giveSend us local, state and national organizations, events, articles or anything else that belongs on this site.